School of Journalism
University of Texas
Austin, TX 78712
work: (512) 471-1990
fax: (512) 471-7979
copyright Robert Jensen 2005
(VA) Free Lance-Star,
December 4, 2005.
AUSTIN, Texas--While the great battles fought over the First Amendment's
religion and free-speech/-press clauses are some of the most inspiring
told 'round the legal campfire, the amendment's assembly and petition
are mostly a forgotten footnote.
There has been no great legal battle in easy memory over the right "to
the Government for a redress of grievances." In 1939, the Supreme Court
a case, Hague v. Congress of Industrial Organizations, that definitively
established "the right of the people peaceably to assemble" in public
and there's been little discussion since.
Yet both these First Amendment footnotes offer important lessons about
subtle--and what today are more crucial--obstacles to meaningful
come with our economic system.
The right to petition the government is not really in question in a
nation-state based on democratic principles. While a king, whose
grounded in the concept of divine-right monarchy, might have contested
subjects' rights to press political demands, citizens in a democracy
inherent right to petition those politicians who are supposed to serve
But a question nags: Are all petitions received by our leaders given
weight? Are rich and poor alike going to be heard? The answer is
Two realities distort the right of petition in the real world.
First is the reality that political campaigns are exercises in
example, 96 percent of House and 91 percent of Senate races in 2004
were won by
the candidate who spent the most. Those who provide that funding have an
advantage: Money equals access, which means that when the campaign is
some petitions are more equal than others.
Debates about the constitutionality of campaign-finance reform measures
try to deal with the distorting influence of big money are typically
the question of whether they limit the freedom of speech of
candidates. But we might start to think of such reforms as protection
right of petition.
Second, those who hire well-connected (and expensive) lobbyists to
petition have an advantage. Recent news has focused on how lobbyists
Abramoff and Michael Scanlon allegedly defrauded their own clients, but
main problem with the lobbying industry is the routine way it skews the
political process toward those who can afford to hire the big guns to
Should we place stricter limits on paid lobbyists? Some argue it is a
restriction on political freedom to limit anyone's right to spend money
attempts to influence public policy. But in a world in which the
is so tilted toward the wealthy, can we pretend that traditional
defenses of money-as-speech can adequately address the contemporary
Moreover, while the right to peaceably assemble is established in law,
remain struggles to ensure that the right to do so isn't undermined by
sophisticated police tactics that appear to allow public protests but
pre-emptive arrest, physical barriers, and "free-speech zones" to limit
protesters' ability to engage the public. Such heavy-handed operations
effective in Miami during the protests of the 2003 meetings about the
Trade Area of the Americas and in New York during the 2004 Republican
Yet the most disturbing threat to freedom of assembly isn't from the
which police officers restrict movement in public space, but from the
disappearance of public space itself. Our conception of political
rooted in a geography that is increasingly rare--the town square, the
meeting ground, a collective space in which people gather expecting
Today the space that is most public is privatized: the shopping mall.
wanted to distribute a political pamphlet and engage fellow citizens in
conversation about the issues of the day, the mall would be the optimal
place where people of all ages and classes gather for commercial and
But while the mall is a very public place in some senses, it is private
property and hence not governed by the First Amendment. The U.S.
has declined to impose on the owners of these public spaces the
honor people's assembly and speech rights there (though they left the
for states to find such a right in their own constitutions). When our
public are increasingly conducted in privatized space, are conventional
understandings of "public" and "private" adequate for a democracy?
Both these First Amendment freedoms illustrate the paradox of U.S.
one hand, we have extensive formal guarantees of political freedoms
been hard-won by dissidents and progressive political movements that
the courts and legislatures to expand the scope of freedom. But the
concentration of wealth in corporate capitalism means that those formal
freedoms--while never irrelevant--are increasingly less important in a
which money is necessary to amplify our voices in mass media.
The distortion of a political process by our economic system is also
the realm of the speech and press clauses of the First Amendment, where
tough questions about how to counter the increasing concentration of
ownership in a shrinking number of corporations, and whether full First
Amendment protection should extend to commercial advertising.
If First Amendment debates are to be productive--if they are to be part
process that helps us re-energize a political system that an increasing
of people feel is irrelevant to their lives--we will have to come to
the inherent incompatibility of capitalism and democracy. The former is
wealth-concentrating system that also concentrates political power,
latter is premised on the assumption of the diffusion of power.
To date, the Supreme Court has ignored this simple reality, as has most
society. Even the self-proclaimed guardian of freedom, the American
Liberties Union, has trouble thinking straight about the problems for
that capitalism creates.
But if the First Amendment is to be part of a real democratic
which ordinary people have a meaningful role in the formation of public
not simply a place in the political stadium as spectators--lawmakers
will have to come to terms with this basic contradiction.
It is unlikely they will confront the issue unless We the People force
Robert Jensen is a journalism professor at the
University of Texas at Austin, board member of the Third Coast Activist
Resource Center (http://thirdcoastactivist.org),
and the author of The Heart of
Whiteness: Confronting Race, Racism and White Privilege
and Citizens of the Empire: The
Struggle to Claim Our
Humanity. He can be reached at email@example.com.
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