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POINT Parliament Tricks or, How to Unseat Prime Minister Bush By ADAM ROBBINS 10.02.03 11:41PM CST Even with the excitement surrounding Wesley Clark and Howard Dean, the Democrats will probably lose in 2004. Each of the ten contenders is vulnerable; none exude the well-rounded excellence necessary to win. Their only chance is to organize and unite now, before the backbiting really starts. They can sweep the election if they follow the Republicans' lead and take a lesson from the world's other democracies. In other democracies, no one rules alone. In parliaments across the world, politicians share power with rivals and their coalitions succeed. Teams of ministers rule in the shadows, and their Icon - the person they all support - enjoys the limelight. Election might give the Icon the final authority, but to get there he has to give his Team the authority to make the decisions that matter to them. This was the case in Israel, where Sharon bought the support of his rival Netanyahu. Netanyahu's prize was real control over the Finance Ministry. With this parliament trick, politicians in other democracies organize their squabbling rivals into Teams that unite behind an Icon and get the job done. America has seen this trick before. Gerald Ford inherited a powerful Team, and elevated the role of Icon to new heights. Ronald Reagan followed suit, giving his Team members free reign as he basked in the spotlight. Currently, George W. Bush has relinquished control over the Departments of Defense and Justice and now serves as Icon of the Republican leadership. With Bush, though, the GOP took this parliament trick one step further. In 2000, Republicans used this trick to get their Icon elected. They took a simple, photogenic candidate with little experience, and ran him with a Team of seasoned veterans (Powell, Cheney and, later, Rumsfeld). Candidate Bush needed the Team to reassure voters that his ignorance wouldn't get in the way. This Cabinet-in-waiting needed the Icon to get them into office (since, realistically, none of them could be elected). The parliament trick worked. Just enough voters saw the right mix of personal appeal and collective expertise in the Republican ticket. Now the GOP Team, which received the Cabinet when Bush received the presidency, wields unprecedented control over national policy. Democrats can make this strategy work for them. They need to wed an affable candidate with a roster of political celebrities. A Team needs to pledge themselves as kingmakers to a Democratic Icon. All the big Democratic names - Bill Clinton, Al Gore, Wesley Clark, Joe Lieberman, and all the other contenders - must reconcile their differences and realize that they have more to gain by joining the Icon than by forging their own way. In turn, the Icon - a simple, sincere, photogenic man - must understand that surrendering control of the Executive is the price he must pay for gaining the presidency. If the ten Democratic contenders insist on running alone, they'll lose and be remembered as the Bob Doles of 2004. But if the Team can resist the urge to hog the spotlight, and if the Icon can resist the urge to decide policy for the Departments, then Democrats can take the White House back from the Republicans. A few speculations: John Edwards is a good man, attractive and uncomplicated. He's done nothing controversial, and his public image is virtuously bland. He seems a perfect candidate, an Icon who could smile for the camera and let his Team make the difficult, unpopular decisions. Bill Clinton left office beloved by Africa, beholden by China, and fondly remembered by Europe. He would make an excellent Secretary of State, rehabilitating his reputation in the starring role of the globetrotting playboy-peacemaker. He could cut a dashing figure that Kissinger could only pantomime. Al Gore, winner of 2000's popular vote, still carries great currency among some voters and could deliver their votes. He could be made Attorney General and roll back John Ashcroft's legacy of civil rights abuses. He could pursue rogue corporations, fix the nation's voting systems, and leave a legal precedent more enduring than his presidential legacy ever could have been. Wesley Clark doesn't have the full presidential package, but as a Secretary of Defense he could easily outshine Rumsfeld. His superior military experience is indisputable, and voters could have confidence in his plans for America's military and America's alliances. Joe Lieberman and Dick Gephardt have failed to build popular support, but their connection to the Democratic establishment makes it essential that they join the Team. Lieberman's energy and honesty make him well-suited for Secretary of Homeland Security, where he could transform the department, embrace transparency, and wash away mistrust. Gephardt has strong appeal among organized labor, and might serve them well as Labor Secretary. Howard Dean is unlikely to join the Team, but he might be lured by the right offer. The office of Vice President has grown under Gore and Cheney, and Dean might be tempted to take that high-profile, high-impact position. A more perfect fit might be UN Representative. He could pour his excitement into that dying body and win back our allies with fiery reminders of what America should be doing. He could also enjoy abundant time in the spotlight, which seems an important consideration. These famous men must form the core of the Team. Others would only help. Nader might be made head of the EPA, for instance. John Kerry, though, should stay in Congress to fight Democrats' battles there. Likewise for Hillary Clinton. It's not as unrealistic as it might sound. America has already moved to this kind of coalition-election. If Democratic egos can be coordinated and if these celebrity politicians can be organized as a Team around their Icon, they could beat the Republicans at their own game. Democrats can learn this lesson and use this trick. It's time to stop playing politics from the heart. To beat the machine, they've got to get smart. Adam Robbins is a second year M.P.Aff. candidate at the LBJ School of Public Affairs. He holds a B.A from Harvard University and his policy interests concern the future of America's foreign affairs. |
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